Two large HIV prevention programmes that
recruited people to educate their friends and classmates have both failed to
make an impact on sexual behaviour, researchers report in two separate articles
published online ahead of print in AIDS
and Behavior.
A peer education programme for 15 and 16
year old school students in South Africa did not have any effect on students’
age of sexual debut or their use of condoms. In Zimbabwe, a programme which
trained male customers of beer halls to act as peer educators with their
friends did not have an effect on how often men used condoms or how many sexual
partners they had.
Whereas there are signs that there were
problems with the implementation of the schools programme, the beer hall
intervention appears to have been well-delivered. Nonetheless the programme seems
to have been unable to make an impact in a context of deep-rooted social
problems and tensions.
Peer education programmes recruit and train
individuals who are asked to share information about HIV with people of a
similar age, status or social group. Rather than relying on professionals who may
have a different social background, peer education is based on the assumption
that peers trust each other, learn from each other and influence each other
(particularly in relation to the sensitive issue of sexual behaviour).
Peer education activities can be delivered
through structured activities (for example, in the Zimbabwean beer halls, presentations
to groups of customers) or informally during the course of everyday activities
(the beer hall educators were also encouraged to watch out for their friends).
Some governments and donors may value peer
education partly because it is perceived to be a relatively cheap way of
delivering HIV prevention to large numbers of people.
Indeed, peer education is a widely used
approach in HIV prevention initiatives, especially with young people in
resource-limited settings. However very few programmes have been rigorously
evaluated and when evaluation has been carried out, the results have been
mixed. Some programmes have had a beneficial impact on knowledge and attitudes,
but less often on sexual behaviour and rates of infection.
Schools programme in the Western Cape, South Africa
In South Africa, the government funded a
number of non-governmental organisations and faith-based organisations to
deliver a peer education programme to students in grade 10 (15-16 year olds).
The programme, known as ‘Rutanang’
(“learning from each other” in Sotho), provided considerable amounts of
training to its peer educators, but this was not based on a clear theoretical
framework. The peer educators conducted
sessions during ‘life orientation’ classes (following a standard curriculum), had
impromptu conversations with fellow students and referred students to other
sources of support.
The primary aims of
the programme were for students to delay the age at which they began having
sex, and for those who had already started to have sex to increase their use of
condoms.
It may be that social factors
are so influential that an individualized health education program cannot hope
to make changes.
In order to evaluate
it, researchers from the University of Cape Town and the South African Medical
Research Council compared 15 schools that received the intervention with 15
other schools that continued to receive standard life orientation classes.
However the Education department had already decided which schools most needed
the programme and so the allocation of schools to the intervention and
comparison groups was not randomised. While efforts were made to identify
comparison schools that were well matched, some differences remained:
intervention schools had more students who were black, poor and not living with
both parents.
Overall, there were
slightly more girls than boys, just under half the pupils were black, half the
students’ mothers had not completed high school and around a third did not have
sufficient income for food and clothes.
Just under 4,000
students completed an anonymised self-completion questionnaire before the
beginning of the intervention in 2007. Eighteen months later, the same students
were asked to fill out another questionnaire. Unfortunately four in ten
students were not able to do so as they had left school or were absent on the
days the researchers visited. (Moreover, those who dropped out had higher rates
of sexual risk at baseline than the average).
The survey results were disappointing, with
no evidence of the programme having met its objectives. In all surveys, around
seven in ten sexually active students had used a condom on the last occasion –
the figures did not vary between intervention and comparison schools, or before
and after the intervention. In each survey, the average age of first having sex
was fifteen years or just under.
As the surveys were conducted 18 months
apart around the time that many were losing their virginity, it’s not
surprising that the proportion that had never
had sex was lower after the intervention than it was before. But this was
especially the case in the schools that had peer education, even after
adjusting for known differences between the groups.
The programme had hoped to make an impact
by affecting students’ attitudes and skills in relation to the future, goals
and decision-making. But the evaluation found no evidence of any changes in
relation to these.
Beer hall programme in Harare, Zimbabwe
The innovative project in Zimbabwe was an
attempt to develop an intervention that would engage with heterosexual men as
active agents in HIV prevention. Beer halls often play a key role in the social
life of working class Zimbabwean men (few of the customers are female) and are
seen as venues in which male bonding, alcohol consumption and sexual risk
taking are intertwined.
Seeing beer halls as a key site for HIV
prevention activities with men, the researchers designed the ‘Sahwira’ peer
education programme. It centred on
the Zimbabwean cultural concept of the sahwira, a particularly close and
trusted friend. The intervention promoted the idea that men can and should take
responsibility for their friends’ well-being by helping each other avoid high risk
sexual encounters.
Beer halls are venues in which male bonding, alcohol consumption and sexual risk taking are intertwined.
Peer educators were
recruited as pairs of good friends who regularly attended the beer hall
together and who wished to take part. Although the training to be a peer
educator was time-consuming (three days initial training plus refresher
courses) and there was no financial compensation, there was strong interest in
becoming a peer educator, with some men having to be turned away.
The programme was
based on the information-motivation-behavioural skills
model. Moreover, the researchers used the diffusion of innovation theory to calculate
the number of peer educators required (just over 400) in order to spread
information to clientele of the twelve beer halls that received the
intervention.
To evaluate the programme, 24 beer halls
were randomised to receive either the peer education intervention or just
condom supplies and advertisements. There were no significant differences
between the customers of intervention and comparison beer halls.
In order to avoid the risk that customers
of the comparison beer halls had also participated in intervention activities
at another beer hall, the venues selected were all in residential
neighbourhoods, away from large markets and transport hubs, with a mostly local
clientele.
Surveys of beer hall customers were
conducted before and after the fifteen month intervention. In contrast to the
South African study, the men responding to the second survey were not
necessarily the same individuals who had completed the first.
Customers’ average age was 30, around
two-thirds were educated to O-level or higher (an exam typically taken at age
16) and over half were married.
In the second survey, customers at the
intervention beer halls were aware of the project activities: 60% knew that
others had been trained as a peer educator, 38% had seen a condom demonstration,
28% had seen an HIV prevention video, 27% had seen an educational presentation,
13% had attended a quiz show. Very few customers of comparison beer halls had
come across these activities.
But the activities only seemed to have a
minimal impact on the customers’ personal interactions around HIV and sexual
risk. Whereas 77% of customers at the intervention beer halls said they had
helped a friend avoid HIV risk, 72% of comparison group customers had done so.
The difference is statistically significant, but remains slight. On some other
measures, such as having a one-to-one discussion about risk behaviour, there
was no difference between the two groups.
Moreover there was no effect on actual
sexual behaviour. The primary outcome the researchers were looking for was a
reduction in the number of times men had recently had unprotected sex with someone
apart from their wife – but the average was five occasions in both groups.
Similarly, there was no difference in the number of sexual partners, whether men
had had sex when drunk, whether men had been faithful to their wives or in HIV
testing rates.
While there was some evidence of a
reduction in risk behaviour between the two surveys, this was the case in both
the intervention and comparison beer halls.
Explaining the results
The researchers evaluating the South
African schools programme note that there were problems with the implementation
of the programme. Whereas the effectiveness
of peer education is probably dependent on the quality of recruitment methods,
training and supervision, as well as the involvement and co-operation of
teachers, parents, community and other stakeholders, the authors suggest that
this is often difficult to achieve in resource-limited settings.
Specifically in the
Western Cape, the non-governmental organisations training the peer educators
were poorly coordinated and had different approaches based on their own belief
systems. Some faith-based organisations were uncomfortable with open discussion
of sex and condoms, preferring to concentrate on abstinence.
The careful examination of unsuccessful interventions is an important part of the process to improve HIV prevention.
On the other hand, the negative results from
the Zimbabwean beer halls seem less likely to be due to poor implementation. The
programme was based on health promotion theory and was delivered as planned, with
beer hall customers both being receptive to the programme and remembering its
activities.
Nonetheless, given the social and economic
upheaval of Zimbabwe during the study period (2005-6), the researchers question
“whether the intervention ever created sufficient intensity to produce
measurable effects”. This was a period of hyperinflation, food shortages and a
government “clean-up campaign” which involved the demolition of informal
housing, shops and markets in the Harare neighbourhoods under study.
Similarly the researchers in South Africa
comment: “It may be that social factors
are so influential that an individualized health education program cannot hope
to make changes”. They suggest that more effective programmes may need to involve
the wider community and tackle wider social issues, such as poverty and
gendered power relations.
The evaluators of the Zimbabwe programme
comment that the careful examination of unsuccessful interventions is an
important, but difficult part of the process to improve HIV prevention.
“Our negative findings
do not mean that such peer interventions cannot work but that we have not yet
found the means of harnessing male bonding in ways that significantly reduce
HIV-related risk behaviors,” they say. “In our view, it remains an imperative
to productively engage men in AIDS prevention broadly and, more specifically, to
intervene in those processes where male bonding, alcohol consumption, and
sexual risk behavior are intertwined.”
The South African
researchers also believe that community-wide interventions which include
schools are needed.